June 2013: Reflecting on the June Protests a Decade Later
David Nemer is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Media Studies, and an Affiliated Faculty in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Virginia. His research areas are technology use in marginalized regions, such as the favelas of Brazil and Havana, Cuba, and misinformation studies. This text was originally written for issue 73 of the WBO Newsletter, published on June 30, 2023. Fill in the form at the bottom of the text to access and subscribe to the WBO weekly newsletter in English.
In June 2013, Brazil was hit by the most extensive series of protests in more than two decades. This wave of protests, known as the June Protests (Jornadas de junho), led more than two million people to take to the streets in over 400 cities. The initial protests took place in early June in the city of São Paulo, but they spread throughout the year reaching a peak in October. Scholars have characterized the Jornadas de junho as the country's first popular uprising of truly national proportions. However, given their complexities, analysists are still attempting to understand the outcomes and consequences of such social movements.
Some argue that June 2013 was the serpent's egg that originated Bolsonarism, the far-right movement led by Jair Bolsonaro. Others believe it was the initial step that led to Dilma Rousseff's impeachment. Furthermore, the protests provided fertile ground for the emergence of various media forms, including feminist outlets, Black journalists, investigative websites, and collectives specializing in live-streaming protests, such as Mídia Ninja. Nevertheless, after 10 years, there is still no consensus on the ultimate outcome of June 2013—and it's unlikely that there ever will be. The reason lies in the heterogeneous nature of the movement, which held different meanings for diverse individuals in various locations and stages. It simply cannot be classified under a single category.
During the Jornadas de junho, we witnessed conservative voices calling for Dilma's impeachment and even a military coup, although not as forcefully and explicitly as we would see in the subsequent years, starting in 2014. Simultaneously, progressive and left-wing groups also took to the streets, legitimately protesting against issues such as increased bus fares, privatized "public" transportation, inadequate healthcare, flawed public security, and deteriorating public education. These groups played a significant role in promoting and enriching the experiences of movements advocating for the rights of Blacks, the LGBTQIA+ community, feminists, and students.
However, despite its heterogeneity, June 2013 provides us with two overarching lessons about the events that unfolded. First, it highlighted the significance of social media in facilitating the organization of social movements. Since then, Brazilians have increasingly turned to platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp to engage in political discussions and coordinate protests. Following Brazil's disappointing performance in the 2014 World Cup, the approaching presidential election sparked fresh motivations for people to take to the streets and utilize social media platforms. The tone of the protests was largely set by Twitter and Facebook posts, which focused on topics such as the Brazilian recession, Operation Car Wash, and Dilma Rousseff's government. This legacy is still evident in recent protests, including the anti-fascist demonstrations in 2020, as well as the anti-democratic protests by Bolsonarists during Bolsonaro's tenure.
“The anti-systemic corruption narrative of 2013 gradually transformed into a moralizing agenda. For instance, conservative activists accused the PT of promoting gender ideology in schools. This neoconservative reaction aimed to appropriate the symbols and names associated with the June protests as their own propaganda.”
Secondly, despite the wins of left-wing and progressive movements, they should have organized and strategized more effectively in order to maintain a lasting presence both on the streets and online. Instead, it was the so-called "new right" groups that were able to capitalize on these opportunities more effectively. In the subsequent years, conservative groups thrived and occupied both physical and digital spaces, such as Movimento Brasil Livre (MBL) (Free Brazil Movement), Revoltados Online (Online Rebels), and Vem Pra Rua (Come to the Street). They gained fame by rallying teenagers and young adults on social media platforms like YouTube and Facebook. Although claiming to be nonpartisan, they became known as the "new right" because their defense of neoliberal values aligned with traditional right-wing parties. Their nonpartisanship was questionable since their social media content primarily criticized the left, including Dilma Rousseff and the Workers' Party (PT), and propagated disinformation campaigns against progressive ideologies. The organizers of these groups took advantage of the lack of leadership and partisan divisions during the 2013 protests to hijack the movement and steer it towards conservative and neoliberal values. The anti-systemic corruption narrative of 2013 gradually transformed into a moralizing agenda. For instance, conservative activists accused the PT of promoting gender ideology in schools. This neoconservative reaction aimed to appropriate the symbols and names associated with the June protests as their own propaganda. For example, Movimento Brasil Livre referenced Movimento Passe Livre (Free Pass Movement) and their slogan, often used as a hashtag, "Vem Para Rua" (Come to the Street).
Throughout 2015 and 2016, these "new right" groups capitalized on the perception of economic and political crises to expand their influence on Facebook and foster an unsustainable environment of anger and discontent towards the federal government. They played a pivotal role in organizing the largest protest in Brazil's history, with over three million people taking to the streets on March 13, 2016. Ultimately, these groups emerged as an organized and unified voice on the streets and online, advocating for Dilma's impeachment and paving the way for the election of Bolsonaro.
There is much to learn and analyze about the jornadas de junho, and perhaps it will take another 10 years to fully comprehend their impact. One thing is certain: if we aspire to keep Brazil on a progressive path towards a more equal and just society, we must recognize that it requires ongoing and active engagement. We cannot relinquish our presence in various spaces that allow us to voice our demands.
